'Uthman who has come to us in darkness
And has removed from us every intense darkness!
He called to the religion of God and did not fear in that
The blame of a blamer or the gossip.
…
Many a sunna have you brought to life,
And many an error quenched while it was a life coal blazing fiercely
And you rose up in a land whose customs had become excessive,
And which conflicted with the sunna of the joyous Prophet
…
You ('Uthman) overcame them as a strong man overcomes, as a stallion,
And you broke them with the bright swords of
His Qur'anic verses,
With the spears of the sunnas of the dark-eyed
Prophet,
…
May God bless him as long as the east wind shakes
The tips of the branches in pleasant meadows. 1
This is how 'Abdullah praises his brother 'Uthman b. Muhammad b. 'Uthman b. Salih, popularly known as Ibn Fudi, and it epitomises the life, struggles and achievements of' the subject of this book. Born at Marata in December 1754, 'Uthman belongs to the Fulani tribe which had migrated from Futa Toro, in Senegal, and settled in Kwoni in the Hausa city-state of Gobir.
Not much is authoritatively known about 'Uthman childhood except some legends contained in the Fulani Karamat literature 2. This is a charismatic literaturc which, although started in the closing years of 'Uthman's life, was in the main compiled after his death. It consists of the miraculous and legendary stories that are often associated with the lives of great men, especially after their deaths. Many such stories are related about 'Uthman. This should not, however, be surprising if it is remembered that the Fulani writers looked for their model of authorship in the writings of the Classical period of Islam, and the fact that such legends grew round Prophet Muhammad himself 3 was a sufficlent licence for some of the Fulani authors to shroud their beloved leader in similar stories 4. It is even interesting to note that 'Uthman's life has been compared closely to that of the Prophet 5.
It is recorded that 'Uthman's advent was foretold by a Fulani woman saint, Umm Hani, who had prophesied before his birth the appearance of “a saint who will reform religion, revive the sunna and establish a community. He will be followed by those who agree with him, and will be renowned far and wide. Both the common people and the nobles will adhere to his command, and those connected with him will be known as the Jama'a. Their sign is that they will not tend cattle as is customary with the Fulani. Whoever witnesses that time should follow him” 6.
During his youth, 'Uthman followed the traditional Muslim system of education which comprises the memorisation of the Qur'an, rudimentary reading and writing at the early stage, followed by the translation of the Qur'an, some knowledge of the hadith, and progressing on to the study of law, grammar, rhetoric, simple arithmetic etc. The student, who is often apprenticed to his teacher, would go from one professor to another for the acquisition of specific branches of knowledge, at the end of which he would collect certificates of licence (ijazas) from the professors. These diplomas serve as authorities for him to impart those branches of knowledge to others 7. Thus we find that 'Uthman read the Qur'an with his father and studied other sciences from a number of other learned men of his time 8.
Right from his “school” days he combined an exceptionally high moral character with great intellectual gifts, and grew into a man of vivid eloquence. Among his teachers, he was particularly influenced by two who could be said to have laid firmly the foundations of the two principal aspects of his career-religious glory and political acumen. These were his “paternal and maternal uncle 'Uthman, known as Bhidduri” 9, and his venerated master Jibril b. 'Umar. To the first he owed much of the practical basis of his religious life, for “he (the teacher) it was whom our shaikh 'Uthman imitated in states and in deeds. He accompanied him for nearly two years, moulding himself according to his pattern in piety and in ordering the right, and forbidding the wrong” 10. It was this teacher who taught 'Uthman the most authoritative legal book of the Maliki school of law in Islam, called al-Mukhtasar.
The influence that Alhdj Jibril b. 'Umar had on 'Uthman b. Fudi can hardly, to my mind, be overestimated 11 especially if we put into account the esteemed statements made about Jibril by 'Uthman himself as well as by his brother 'Abdullah and his son Muhammad Bello. Moreover, a consideration of the circumstances surrounding both the teacher and his pupil strengthens the view that Jibril's influence on 'Uthman has been deep-rooted even though they lived together for barely a year, according to the record we possess.
In order to understand fully how deep-rooted Jibril's influence on 'Uthman was, it is necessary to arrange as chronologically as possible the connections between both of them. The first contact between them which we know of is when 'Uthman studied with Jibril for one year and in the process followed his teacher as far as Aghades where they parted because Jibril was going on his second pilgrimage to Mecca and 'Uthman had no permission from his father to go on pilgrimage with him 12. This was about 1780 13.
In 1786-7, when Jibril returned from pilgrimage, 'Uthman, in company of his brother 'Abdullah, paid him a courtesy visit and they stayed with him for some days 14 during which they studied theology with him and he gave them “licence to pass on what he had related” 15.
On Jibril's return from his second pilgrimage also, possibly during the visit mentioned above, he presented a “flag of victory” to 'Uthman and was the first person to pledge allegiance to him even before the jihad 16.
Now, it is important to note that Jibril had previously been preaching for a reform of Islam in Hausaland before he went on pilgrimage. He had, consequently, annoyed Bawa, Sultan of Gobir, who had to expel him from the country. He also attempted to wage a jihad from the Air region among the Tuareg who also expelled him. All these had taken place before he went on his second pilgrimage 17.
Considering the fore-going in relation to the general situation of the Muslim world at the time under discussion, it can be realised that Jibril's influence on 'Uthman was tremendous, for the following reasons:
Furthermore, in the poem itself, he says of Jibril as follows:
“The shaikh of shaikhs; the unique one of his time;
Outstanding above the champion; crowned with sciences.
Jibril, by whom God has restored for us a pure religion, whose path is straight.
…
He has lion cubs, acting on his behalf,
And the lion cub on examination, is like Khazraj!
And the light of the time became for him a helper,
Or as a forearm in opening the locked door
Of making the religion of God apparent before His enemy”. 20
Of Jibril again, Muhammad Bello has the following to say:
“Among his virtues, may God be pleased with him, is that he excelled in practising the injunctions of the Book 21 and the Sunna, and urging people to do the same… He was the first to undertake the duty of destroying blame-worthy customs in this Sudanese country of ours and the completion of that was by our hands, through God's blessing”. 22
From the fore-going considerations, therefore, it would be realised how deep-rooted Jibrill's influence on 'Uthman had been. Furthermore, the great regard which 'Uthman had for Jibril could not have been because of a flimsy relationship between them. The purely normal relationship between a teacher and his pupil is not even sufficient to account for the esteem 'Uthman had for this teacher of his; after all, he was not his only teacher and they were together for only a year. The reason lies in the probability that one year they stayed together as teacher and pupil was heavily loaded with what we may call indoctrination.
Jibril had fertile ground for his ideas of reform in 'Uthman, and had successfully put the ideas across. It remained only to wait for a suitable opportunity so that the already sown seed might germinate and grow. It was certainly not for vain-glory or deceit that 'Uthman recorded the following about Jibril:
“If there be said of me that which is said of good report, Then I am but a wave of the waves of Jibril”. 23
Even though Jibril's influence on 'Uthman was tremedous, it does not follow that he accepted all Jibril's idea without question. On the contrary, there is a record of a theological conflict between both of themontheold question in Islam of how to classify a Muslim who commits a grave sin. Jibril held the Kharijite view that such a sinner was an unbeliever (kafir) while 'Uthman held the orthodox view that he was only a disobedient Muslim (asi) and not an unbeliever. He argued that to call a Muslim a kafir automatically makes the accuser himself a kafir; nevertheless 'Uthman gave Jibril the benefit of the doubt by concluding that he must have had his reason for holding the view he held on the question and that it must not be counted against him—another illustration ot'his high esteem for Jibril.
Another of 'Uthman's teachers who is of special interest is al-Hajj Muhammad b. Raj from whom he studied al Bukhari. This book constitutes the main source of the sunna section of 'Uthman's work entitled Ihya' al-Sunna wa-Ikhmad al-Bid'a. 'Abdullah informs us that when both himself and 'Uthman paid a visit to Jibril on his return from his second pilgrimage, 'Uthman left him with Jibril and went to study al-Bukhari with al-Hajj Muhammad. This was in 1201/1786 24.
In 1188/1774-5, at the age of twenty, 'Uthman started to preach 25. With this, he entered his life's profession, and along with preaching he added teaching, We have no record of the actual date when he started to teach; but if we consider the practise in Qur'anic schools in West Africa, by which the most advanced pupils are allowed to teach the junior ones 26, then the probability was that he had started teaching as an amateur prior to his preaching, and subsequently he became a professional teacher when he started to gain converts.
Although, reckoning from 'Abdullah's account 27, 'Uthman's teaching included such subjects as Prosody, Theology, Grammar, Mysticism, Law, Qur'anic exegesis, Hadith and Arithmetic, his stress, particularly to the common people, is that they should study only the basic knowledge necessary for carrying out their daily religious obligations, and leave the details of law and theology to the ulama' 28. Furthermore, he stresses that a person does not need to study all the sciences before he can become a learned person; rather, any one who knows any branch of knowledge is considered a learned person in that branch and it is a duty on him to disseminate the knowledge among those who do not know as much as he does 29.
'Uthman started his teaching and preaching in his hometown, Degel, and after some time he went out on preaching tours. His first tour was to Kebbi from where he gained his first converts 30. On his return to Degel, people started coming to him in groups and, consequently, his hometown became popular. Making Degel his base, he travelled to other towns in Gobir and his followers in this State increased by leaps and bounds. A time came when he considered it necessary to contact the ruler of the State. He, therefore, travelled to Sultan Bawa and explained to him his mission on behalf of Islam. This action increased 'Uthman's prestige in the eyes of the people and “it came about that those who did not fear God, feared to deny his order because of his connection with the Sultan…” 31. Then 'Uthman and his assistants, including his brother 'Abdullah, made for Zamfara where they remained and preached for five years.
Many of the people of Zamfara were ignorant about Islam and consequently the place provided fertile ground for the author's missionary activities. Both male and female flocked indiscriminately to his preaching assemblies, and for this he was criticised for encouraging the mixing of the sexes in public. To this criticism, 'Abdullah replied on behalf of his brother that although both sexes came to their assemblies, they were seated separately; moreover women could not be prevented from attending the assemblies because to leave them in ignorance was a greater evil than their mixing with men at such religious gatherings 32.
While the mission was still in Zamfara, the Sultan of Gobir, Bawa, invited all the ulama of his state to his court at Magami, during 'Id al-Adha and gave them presents. All of them accepled the Sultan's gifts except 'Uthman who demanded instead five things from the Sultan:
Bawa accepted all the demands of 'Uthman who thereby returned to continue his missionary work in Zamfara.
On his eventual return to Degel from Zamfara, 'Uthman resumed his preaching tours calling again at Kebbi and travelling as far as the Middle Niger, crossing the river to its west bank and preaching at a place called Ilo. Back to Degel, he travelled now eastward and reached Zoma on the way to Zamfara 34. By 1207/1792-3 'Uthman had completed his tours and returned to settle down in his hometown, Degel 35. He continued to gain converts because his preachings and character had influenced both “the common people and the nobles” 36. It was at this time that he wrote the Ihya' al-Sunna wa-Ikhma al-Bid'a, partly as a text book for the use of his “Missionaries” who had been left behind in charge of his adherents in the towns and cities where he had previously preached; and partly for the general information of the public.
It is significant, however, that after about eighteen years of preaching, even though he had gained many followers during the period, the majority of his own tribe remained outside his fold until, dissatisfied with the situation, his brother wrote to them in verse advising them to help the cause of God. When they received 'Abdullah's poem 37, they responded favourably and started to preach in support of 'Uthman. Many more people joined his fold thereby, and the community grew still further in fame both in and out of Hausaland.
Seeing how numerous his followers had become, 'Uthman started to consider the possibility of breaking with the established government of the land. He began urging his followers to take up arms, saying: “To get arms ready is sunna”. 38
It should be noted that it is at this stage also that the first complaint about Hausaland being a pagan country was made. For in a poem composed by 'Abdullah at this time he says:
We, even though we are in a country which does not belong
To the Muslims, living among unbelievers,
We do not consort with them in any way.
Nay, they have a religion.
We have the religion of the chosen Prophet 39.
As a result of 'Uthman's incitement of his followers, 'Abdullah reports: “… and we began to make weapons ready, and he began to pray to God that He should show him the sovereignty of Islam in this country of the Suda…” 40. In the prayer, composed by 'Uthman in 1212/1797 in Fulfulde and translated into Arabic by 'Abdullah 41, he says, among other things:
The blessings of Ahmad 42 in the country of God
Have become general and abundant by the presence of 'Abd al-Qadir.
…
Our faith, together with our sunna is in obedience
Increase me in it through the Shaikh 'Abd al-Qadir.
And make unbelief together with innovation and disobedience far from me
By the greatness of the sanctity of 'Abd al-Qadir.
…
Show me as a conqueror by your religion in these countries,
Through the rank of 'Abd al-Qadir.
…
And answer the prayer of the composer together with the scribe
O my Lord, through the rank of 'Abd al-Qadir. 43
Prior to this time, 'Uthman had cut himself and his Community off from the jurisdiction of the Hausa Sultans and had thereby caused their annoyance; but when, in addition, he started to incite his followers to arms, the situation became intolerable. Consequently, the Sultans began to threaten the Community with extermination, and sanctions were applied against it. Nafata, who had by now succeeded to the sultanate of Gobir, ruled that:
Frightened by the threats, a section of 'Uthman's Community, under one 'Abd al-Salam, moved from Gobir to Gimbana, a province of Kebbi. In the meantime the Sultan of Gobir made an attempt on 'Uthman's life but failed 45. Subsequently, 'Uthman and some of his followers emigrated from Degel to Gudu, on 10th Dhu al-Qada 1218/21st February, 1804 46, on his famous hijra, being a precursor to his jihad. Some others of the followers remained behind, however, for fear of losing their wealth 47.
With the hijrah, the Community decided upon making a concerted effort against the Sultan of Gobir and his supporters, and therefore elected 'Uthman as their Amir al-Muminin, pledging obedience to him in accordance with the Qur'an and the sunna. They built a fortress and engaged in raids against neighbouring towns. The jihad proper began with the attack on them by Yunfa who had by now succeeded to the throne of Gobir. With an army which included Nubian, Tuareg and even Fulani soldiers, Yunfa led an onslaught against 'Uthman's army under 'Abdullah, on 21st June, 1804, at Lake Kwotto, only to be routed by 'Uthman's forces. This battle was later compared to the Battle of Badr 48.
It is important to note here that the armies of the two sides were not composed exclusively of any one tribe or race. As Yunfa's army included Fulani soldiers, so also did 'Uthman's army include Hausa troops. 'Abdullah records:
We are an army victorious in Islam,
And we are proud of nothing but that.
Tribes of Islam-and Turubbi is our clan
Our Fulani and our Hausa all united.
And among us other than these, certain tribes joined together
For the help of God's religion—made up the union. 49
The decisive victory at Tabkin Kwotto encouraged 'Uthman and his Community, and infuriated the Sultans of Hausaland who, as a reprisal for the humiliation they felt, attacked 'Uthman's followers living in their domains; but their action only gained further support for 'Uthman. Thereupon, he gave to each of fourteen trusted Companions a flag, blessed them and sent them out to fight in the name of God. The whole of Hausaland was, consequently plunged into jihad, and by 1225/1810 'Uthman and his lieutenants had gained control of practically all the Hausa. States. In this year, he moved to Sifawa where for the next five years he devoted himself to scholarly pursuits.
Withdrawing from active conduct of affairs, he divided the newly gained empire into two, placing the eastern part, with Gwandu as its headquarters, under his brothel 'Abdullah; and the western part with Sokoto as its headquarters, with his son Muhammad Bello.
This dual administration of the empire continued under the descendants of these two personalities until 1st January, 1900 when the whole of Northern Nigeria was declared a British Protectorate.
In 1230/1814-15 'Uthman moved again from Sifawa and settled at Sokoto around which he caused a wall to be built; and on the 3rd Jumada al-Akhira 1232/20th April, 1817 he passed away after a year's illness. He was succeeded as the Amir al-Muminin by son Muhammad Bello.
Even though 'Uthman's fihad was not the first uprising in the interest of Islam experienced in West Africa, it served as a great turning point in the history of the area. His success provided impetus to people like Seku Ahmadu (d.1843) who led a jihad in Masina astride the Upper Niger and Barn rivers; and al-Hajj 'Umar b. Sa'id who did the same thing successfully, at least for a time, in the Bambara states of Nioro dnd Segu 50. Moreover, if is also known that 'Uthman's successful jihad and those that followed it had a direct impact on the Mahdiya which was started by Muhammad Ahmad al-Mahdi of the modem Republic of the Sudan and
which lasted in that country, from 1885 to 1899 51.
Notes
1. 'Abdullah b. Muhammad b. Fudi: Tazyin al-waraqat. ed. & trans. M. Hiskett, I.U.P., 1963, pp. 92-93.
2. F.H. El-Masri. “The Life of Shehu Usuman Dan Fodio Before The Jihad”, J.H.S.N. Vol. 2, No. 4, Dec. 1963, p. 435.
3. Vide Yusuf b. Isma'il al-Nabhani: Al-anwar al-Muhammadiya min al-mawahib al-laduniya. Beirut, 1312/1895, passim.
4. E. & Gidado dan Laima. Raud a-jinan fi dhikr manaaqib al-shaikh 'Uthman, unprinted ms. Ibadan 82/28. Cf. S. Leith-Ross: Fulani Grammar, Lagos, n.d. pp. 81 ff.
5. Vide “Sifolin Shehu: an autobiography and character study of 'Uthmain b. Fudi in verse”, R.B.C.A.D., Vol. 2 No. 1, Jan. 1966, pp. 26 & 27.
6. Muhammad Bello. Infaq al-Maisur. ed. C.E.J. Whitting, London, 1957, pp. 28-29
7. Cf De Slane. Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 1, Paris, 1842, Introduction pp. xxxi- xxxii.
8. 'Abdullah b. Fudi. Ida'al-nusukh… op. cit., p. 554; M. Hiskett: Material… op. cit., p. 563.
9. M. Hiskett. Material… op. cit. p. 563.
10. ibid. loc. cit.
11. Cf. F. H. El-Masri… op. cit., p. 438 where an opposite view is expressed.
12. M. Hiskett. Material…, op. cit., p. 564.
13. F.H. El-Masri. op. cit., pp. 437-8, n° 6.
14. 'Abdullah b. Fudi. Tazy-In al-waraqat. op. cit., pp. 31 and 90.
15. M. Hiskett. Material… op. cit., p. 566.
16. F.H. El-Masri. op. cit., p. 438. The allegiance referred to here must have been private, and not the general one pledged at the time of the hijra (1804), because 'Abdullah was the first to pledge allegiance on that occasion (Tazyin al-waraqat. pp. 55 & 108).
17. F.H. El-Masri. op. cit., p. 438.
18. Vide. “Alhaj Kukoyi Feted”, a news item concerning a Nigerian pilgrim who “narrated in detail his spiritual experiences during his pilgrimagw” in the Truth, a Muslim Weekly in Nigeria, Friday May 26-June 2, 1967, p. 4.
19. Abdullah b. Fudi: Tazyin al-Waraqat, op. cit., pp. 32 & 90-91.
20. 'Abdullah b. Fudi. Tazyin al-waraqat, op: cit., p. 92; “the champion” and “the light of the time” refer to 'Uthman. The reference to Khazraj is reminiscent of the Ansar who helped the Prophet in Medina at the time of the Hijra. In this metaphor Jibril represents the Prophet and 'Uthman the Khazraj; Jibril is a lion and his helpers, including 'Uthman, are lion cubs.
21. Viz the Qur'an.
22. Muhammad Bello: Infaq al-Maisur, op. cit., p. 27.
23. M. Hiskett. Material… op. cit., p. 566.
24. 'Abdullah b. Fudi: Tazyin al-waraqat. op. cit., 31-32 & p. 90.
25.ibid. p. 85.
26. Vide. M. Hiskett. Material… op. cit., p. 561 where 'Abdullah says that his father left him at the age of 13 with 'Uthman to be educated.
27. M. Hiskett. Material … op. cit., p. 561.
28. Ismail A.B. Balogun. A critical edition of the Ihya' al-sunna… a University of London Ph.D. thesis, 1967, pp. 112-113.
29. ibid., p. 416.
30. 'Abdullah b. Fudi. Tazyin al-waraqat, op. cit., pp. 27 & 86.
31. 'Abdullah b. Fudi. ibid. loc. cit.
32. ibid, pp. 86-88.
33. F.H. El-Masri: op. cit., p. 441.
34. Vide. Tazyn al-waraqat. op. cit. map facing p. 144.
35. 'Abdullah says that they were in Degel, expecting the return of their maternal uncle, Muhammad Sambo, from pilgrimage, when they heard of his death in Aghades on Friday 7th Ramadan 1207/18th April, 1793. ibid., pp. 96-7.
36. ibid., p. 98.
37. 'Abdullah b. Fudi. Risalat al-nasa'ih; vide Tazyin al-waraqat, op cit. pp. 41-45, and pp. 98-101.
38. ibid., p. 5 1 ; Cf. p. 105.
39. ibid, p. 105 Cf. Qur'an 109: 6.
40. ibid., loc. cit.
41. Vide. entry No. 6 under “A List of His Works” below.
42. Viz. Prophet Muhammad.
43. 'Abdullah b, Fudi. Tazyin al-waraqah, op. cit., pp. 105-107. By 'Abd al-Qadir is meant the founder of the Qadiriyah tariqah.
44. Muhammad Bello. Infaq al-Maisur, op. cit., p. 67.
45. 'Abdullah b. Fudi. Tazyin al-waraqat, op. cit., p. 108.
46. Muhammad Bello. op. cit., p, 68.
47. 'Abdullah b. Fudi. op. cit., p. 111.
48. ibid., p. 110.
49. ibid. loc. cit.
50. H.F.C. Smith. “A Neglected Theme of West African History: The Islamic Revolution of the 19th Century”, J. H. S. N., vol, 11, No, 2, Dec, 1961, pp. 173 ff.
51. I.M. Lewis (ed) Islam in Tropical Africa. O.U.P. 1966, p. 426 ff.
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